Many pundits see a direct link between crude oil and
the corruption in Nigeria, that putting in place an elaborate system preventing
politicians or civilians from having access to petrodollars is probably a major
part of a series of fixes needed to reduce large-scale corruption. For most
people the solution is straightforward: If you commit a crime, you should be
brought to book. Hold people responsible for misconduct and punish them if they
are guilty. In a country such as Nigeria, where there are no easy fixes, one
must examine the issue of accountability, which has to be a strong component of
the fight against corruption.
Every Nigerian knows that there should be accountability,
that people should be accountable. But if the president—the person running the
whole show—has all of the power and resources of the country in his control, and
he is also the one who selects who should be probed or not, clearly we will have
an uneven system in which those who are favored by the emperor have free rein to
loot the treasury with reckless abandon, while those who are disliked or tell
the emperor that he is not wearing any clothes get marched swiftly to the
guillotine!
Nigeria’s story has not been, entirely, one long,
unrelieved history of despair. Fifty four years after independence Nigerians have
begun to ask themselves the hard questions: How can the state of anarchy be
reversed? What are the measures that can be taken to prevent corrupt candidates
from recycling themselves into positions of leadership? Young Nigerians have
often come to me desperately seeking solutions to several conundrums: How do we
begin to solve these problems in Nigeria, where the structures are present but
there is no accountability?
Other pressing questions include: How does Nigeria bring
all the human and material resources it has to bear on its development? How do
we clean up the Niger Delta? What do we need to do to bring an end to organized
ethnic bigotry? How can we place the necessary checks and balances in place that
will reduce the decadence, corruption, and debauchery of the past several
decades? How can we ensure even and sustained development? And so forth. . . .
And that would be a big debate to keep Nigeria busy for a long time.
The Sovereign National Conference that was held a couple
of years ago was a good idea. I believe the concept was right—a platform to
discuss Nigeria’s problems and challenges and pave a path forward—however, the
execution was not. Debate about a nation’s future should not turn into an excuse
for politicians to drink or feast on meals in Abuja. It should continue for
decades, in small forums, in schools, offices, on the radio, on TV, in markets,
in our newspapers, and on the streets, until we get things right. Most advanced
nations in the world constantly appraise and reappraise their countries’ paths
and destinies.
I foresee the Nigerian solution will come in stages.
First we have to nurture and strengthen our democratic institutions—and strive
for the freest and fairest elections possible. That will place the true
candidates of the people in office. Under the rubric of a democracy, a free
press can thrive and a strong justice system can flourish. The checks and
balances we have spoken about and the laws needed to curb corruption will then
naturally find a footing. A new patriotic consciousness has to be developed, not
one based simply on the well-worn notion of the unity of Nigeria or faith in
Nigeria often touted by our corrupt leaders, but one based on an awareness of
the responsibility of leaders to the led—on the sacredness of their anointment
to lead—and disseminated by civil society, schools, and intellectuals. It is
from this kind of environment that a leader, humbled by the trust placed upon
him by the people, will emerge, willing to use the power given to him for the
good of the people.
SOURCE: THERE WAS A COUNTRY; CHINUA ACHEBE
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